WHAT DISTINGUISHES OUR PARTY: The political continuity which goes from Marx to Lenin, to the foundation of the Communist Party of Italy (Livorno, 1921); the struggle of the Communist Left against the degeneration of the Communist International, against the theory of „socialism in one country“, against the Stalinist counter-revolution; the rejection of the Popular Fronts and the Resistance Blocs; the difficult task of restoring the revolutionary doctrine and organization in close interrelationship with the working class, against all personal and electoral politics.
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React against desperation and isolation Resume the struggles, organize and extend them
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The attack against the proletariat is continuing all over the world and can only intensify, since the economic crisis is not going to let up: indeed, it is destined to become deeper and more serious, day by day. Only the blind could fail to see this. On the other hand, the ruling class knows it only too well: they try to hide it behind words, set phrases, exhortations not to lose confidence, the rhetorical appeal to democratic cooperation. But we know very well that this is a general and historic disaster and no hastily invented formula will be able to halt it.
The 1926 General Strike in Britain
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As part of our ongoing work of remembering the great episodes of central importance to the history of the communist and workers’ movement – episodes mostly forgotten or manipulated by opportunism – the following article recalls an event of great portent, unfortunately negative from the point of view of the final outcome and its consequences, despite the extraordinary proletarian mobilisation by which it was characterized. The 1926 General Strike in Britain was also the ground on which the ruinous practices of the Communist International began to be felt and experienced, at the beginning of what was not just a simple decline but the abandonment of real class politics.
Depth of the general crisis and historical delay in the proletarian revolution
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For at least four years now, with increasing intensity and in an ever more complex pattern of development, we have been living in a profound crisis of capitalist over-production. The bourgeoisie itself judges this crisis to be greater in terms of depth and effects to that of 1929, which goaded the huge campaign of repression following the international defeat of the proletarian revolution (1922-1927) for the whole of the ‘thirties, culminating in the second world bloodbath. The following brief crisis of 1974-’75 closed the cycle of post-war accumulation: “a golden age”, as it is often described. Only a little later comes a period of capitalist overflow in its imperialist form, the most violent ever recorded worldwide – which also closes the “cycle of national revolutions” and is punctuated by increasingly serious and frequent economic and financial crises, right up to the present: 1980-’81; 1987-’91; 1997-’98, 2001-2003; 2007- 201?. Since that year (1975), thirty-six years of more and more difficult accumulation have transformed the whole of the world’s economic and social scenario. The powerful capitalist dynamics that started in Great Britain halfway through the XVIIth century have now invaded every corner of the earth.
Europe on the brink of crisis
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Foreword: Pantaloon does not live in Frankfurt (*)
The state of confusion into which the EU and, in particular, the EMU (the 17-state monetary zone) has fallen is the confirmation that the crisis of the world capitalist system has not been overcome at all, but is ongoing and is spreading from the economic plane to the political one, violently attacking those institutions that less correspond to the needs of financial Capital. In this respect, the crisis of the EMU is a political crisis, revealing the inadequacy of Europe, a mosaic of independent nations, to manage the contradictions in an area distinguished by divisions and inbalances, where on one hand you have the fragile links of Community agreements and on the other, a growing economic and financial integration, driven by the banking systems of the imperialist poles France and, above all, Germany, which is taking place, without being able, now and in the future, – at least in the ways wished by the petit-bourgeois pro-Europe ideology – to lead to a political integration of the entire EU area, or, at least, of the restricted area of the Euro.
Neither indignados nor rebels, but fighting proletarians!
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The disaster of the capitalist mode of production is taking on clearer and clearer contours: the catastrophe is maturing. Indifferent to the scornful little smiles we meet with at the mere mention of the word, we communists have always taken a “catastrophic” view: in other words we know that catastrophe is the inevitable end to a mode of production such as the capitalist one, which unceasingly exalts the forces of production, subordinating them at the same time to the law of profit and forcing them into the straightjacket of bourgeois social forms. Catastrophe means therefore that, shaken violently by a systemic crisis of overproduction of goods and capital, the entire scaffolding supporting bourgeois society is yielding everywhere. No government in any country can remedy the catastrophe looming, except by intensifying day by day the exploitation of the proletariat by cutting salaries, pensions, welfare and by increasing “productivity” – i.e. further aggravating their living and working conditions. Competition will become acute, the crises will become increasingly intense and frequent, the rush on raw materials will become relentless, geo-strategic positioning will become vital for the survival of one national capital or the other, nationalism will explode in all its forms: this is the prospect. The only way out, which finally, when objective conditions impose it, will be taken by national and international capitals, will be the preparation of a new world war.